After the defeat of France which overthrew Louis Bonaparte's empire, German soldiers were sent to occupy France. The provisional government established by Adophe Thiers wanted to cooperate fully with the German army, which angered many Parisians. As protests and general resistance began to increase, especially among French workers who had fought in the National Guard, Thiers' government decided to send its own soldiers to disarm the left-wing National Guard and Parisians, who had long been rightly skeptical The Versaille republic of the politician Thiers transforms again into a monarchy or an aristocracy. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essayThe clashes between the National Guard, the Army of Versaille, and the remnants of the French army broke out after the pacified National Guard and Paris workers refused to give up their weapons and declared war on the city of Paris. On March 26, 1871, a democratic council of Paris workers and soldiers, called the Paris Commune, was elected by an overwhelming majority. This was the first workers' state to be established in history. The Paris Commune quickly adopted many measures against the former aristocracy and hostile military forces, declaring total separation of church and state, setting a salary cap of 6,000 francs for any member of the government, abolished the tyrannical morality police of Paris, and banned any religious practice in schools. Furthermore, they began to take measures to protect workers and continue industrialization: a national trade union was formed, factories were reopened as cooperatives, compulsory conscription was abolished, worker registration cards were abolished, and education was banned, free materials and food. provided to all children. Answering the question of how much of the Paris Commune was the direct product of an accumulation of tensions and frustrations characterized by class conflict can only partially answer the question and would usually also lead to an implicit narrowing of perspective. as a possible weakening of the culmination of identities, ideologies and loyalties that shaped the people of Paris in the years preceding the founding of the Commune. Thus making the commune a product of various tensions; some of which revolve around class and economic struggle, opposition to which was heavily mobilized by if not purely Marxist, then certainly left-wing sympathies, as well as by clashes of national identity and cultural politics within an ever-evolving nation that in times of national crisis The crisis seemed to unify forcefully under the divine sacrament of patriotism, which usually came at the expense of civil unrest or extreme economic hardship. Suspended by a thin thread, extenuating circumstances through provisional arrangements of one kind or another, only to go back and forth between a radical political attitude "universally" recognized and deemed best for the whole, with little adaptation to the hybridity of emerging divergent Parisian cultural composition, which in many ways lived, at least ideologically, in a parallel reality to the rest of France. The topic I would like to raise in this essay concerns the scope and limits of the influence that Marxian class conflict as a concept has actually had within the formation of the commune, and what are the most culturally formative tensions in progress, which gradually and they are passively mounted on mass consciousness; cultural, political or economic that led to the almost symbolic Parisian institution built that legitimized itself as uniquerevolutionary voice and body of France, informed by the history of the Franco-Prussian War, their provisional government and the brief reign of the commune, in an attempt to trace the intersection to a period after 1871 as a means of showing how contracted conflict contributes to the fragmentation of a nation and make the commune increasingly the product of a uniquely and successfully organized (even if lived) mass rebellion triggered predominantly by a sense of nostalgia and idealism, making the commune more of a social space capable of maintaining and carry forward through the anarchist revolutionary culture of Paris. It would take France 77 years after the first French Revolution of 1792, two empires, two more revolutions, several failed revolts, seven coalition wars, and nine monarchs before France's last autocratic past left it in 1870 with exile of Napoleon III following the devastating blow dealt to the country's prestige and position worldwide by its defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. The war itself, according to several accounts, was doomed from the start, and its outcomes proved disastrous both for France's already fragile national identity and for its governing power. The war ultimately led to the collapse of the Second Empire and the strengthening of general public distrust of the elites, which was not necessarily regained due to the defeat. According to John Merriman in Massacre, the war was sparked by a sense of Decadentism on the part of the emperor to restore the balance of power in an era when France seemed to be triumphing over continental Europe, but he also states that “The emperor Frenchman had other reasons for wanting a war. His empire had been further weakened by the growing strength of the republicans and socialists in France." The threat was therefore both internal and external. The French, particularly mentioned in the Massacre of Parisians, also seemed to represent a kind of decadentism all their own: “Many ordinary Parisians also seemed to want war, including some republicans. The crowd sang the Marseillaise, forbidden in imperial France because it was identified with republicanism and the French Revolution. The popular mood and the expectation of victory were reflected in the decision of a publisher to produce a French dictionary for the use of the French in Berlin." The war began around the end of July 1870, with the initial movement of French troops to the Rhine and, following a series of consecutive French victories, the Prussians took the status of victors and when August arrived, the demoralization of the French troops were at their peak and there was talk of a revolution once again in a Paris still under the threat of Prussian invasion and when September arrived, the emperor surrendered Sedan. Within the organization and mobilization of the war itself, I believe that the issues and clashes within the recruited troops and their leaders cannot be passively dismissed, because they show how when the lack of faith or trust is integrated into the mass awareness, leads to radical or ideological conclusions. rafts between people with divided loyalties and prejudices, this is not the main reason why France lost to Prussia, the obvious lack of organization and overestimation combined with an underestimation of Prussian efficiency and war progress on the French side for winning this war was certainly one of the main reasons why they lost, but I believe this goes hand in hand with the accumulation of differences that led to the almost immediate demoralization and desperation of the French soldiers, who entered the war hoping to recover.