As Latin American nations fought for their independence and sought to establish themselves as new nations, they faced the challenge of developing a national identity and finding their located within the Western Hemisphere. Some Latin Americans saw the need to develop an American identity that celebrated the diversity and potential of Latin American nations and challenged the Western powers they had overthrown not long ago. Others sought to Westernize or at least open themselves to Western ideals and relationships, attracted by the desire to develop a European style and perhaps to maintain political and social structures that kept certain privileged classes within Latin American society. And the United States, of course, as an emerging power on the global stage, looked at its interests in Latin America and certainly developed a certain perspective towards the American continent as a whole. And although these contrasting views often seem so starkly different, people often supported some elements and feelings of both. In the second half of the 19th century, a tension arose among Latin American writers between the need to be postcolonial and rely on what is Latin American, and the need to modernize, especially with regards to the United States. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essayIn "Our America," José Martí extols Latin America's rich history and culture, laments the growing influence of outside powers in its affairs, and addresses challenges Latin Americans claim Latin America for themselves. Martí, considered one of the fathers of Cuban independence, proclaimed the greatness of Latin America and rejected the idea that it should compare itself to Europe or try to emulate it. He argues that the Latin American politician must “know the elements that make up his country and how to put them together, using methods and institutions native to the country,” rather than being educated in European or North American governing conventions. Following this institutional critique, he states that “the history of America, from the Incas to the present day, must be taught clearly, in detail, and to the letter, even if the archons of Greece are overlooked.” (124) Therefore, he truly calls on Americans to develop a national identity that values ​​the stories and ideas that are truly American. This identity must also reject the intervention of the United States, whose ways are alien even to the rest of America and whose interests and intentions cannot be trusted. “The contempt of our formidable neighbor,” writes Martí, “who does not know us, is the greatest danger to Our America.” In his letter to the editor of the New York Herald, however, Martí sings a very different tune, defending Cuba's fight for independence, explaining the otherness of its people and inviting the United States to support and commit to the development of the new nation . Martí spends much of the letter detailing the reasons for Cuba's need to break away from Spain and how oppressive and extractive the nature of Spain's relationship with Cuba is. When talking about Cuba's identity and its emergence as a new nation, however , its tone is much more moderate and less invigorated, and lacks the appeal to greatness that was present in “Our America.” What particularly stands out is his apologetic tone when talking about Cuba's black population, a sector that makes up a significant part of Cuban identity. He describes them as passive and docile, as a people who seek “friendship with the impartial white man” and who “do not want to divide white men”..